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There has been much controversy lately concerning the pace of Senate
confirmations of Bush Administration judicial nominees, as well
as the manner in which nominees ought to be scrutinized by the Senate.
Following is a bibliography of materials to shed further light on
this subject, as well as a history of the ABA's response on this
general subject.
Materials on Senate Filibuster : Role of Judicial Philosophy : The
American Bar Association : Advocacy
Groups : Other Resources
Materials on Senate Filibuster of Judicial Nominees
- Filibusters and the Constitution--November
2003 (PDF)
- Wall
Street Journal,
"Pirates We Be" discussing the Senate filibuster of judicial
nominees
by Professor Stephen Calabresi May 14, 2003 (PDF)
- Hearing
before the Senate Committee on the Judiciary Subcommittee on the
Constitution, Civil Rights and Property Rights on “Judicial Nominations,
Filibusters, and the Constitution: When a Majority Is Denied Its
Right to Consent.” May 6, 2003 (PDF)
- An
Exchange on the Judicial Confirmation Process
Prof. Stephen B. Presser, Northwestern University School of Law
and Michael B. Rappaport, University Professor at the University
of San Diego School of Law.
Federalist Society Hot Topics--May 8, 2003 (PDF)
- Debate
on Judicial Confirmations
Hon. C. Boyden Gray, Wilmer Cutler Pickering and Nan Aron, President,
Alliance for Justice February 20, 2003 (PDF)
- 1968
Letter from the Lawyers Committee on Supreme Court Nominations
regarding the Abe Fortas filibuster. (PDF)
Role of Judicial Philosophy
- Judges
Wars
Transcript of Federalist Society panel held on September 9, 2003
with Professor Ronald Rotunda, George Mason University School
of Law, Manuel Miranda, Counsel to Senate Majority Leader Bill
Frist, Jeffrey Berman, Subcommittee on Administrative Oversight
in the Courts, and Chief Counsel to Senator Schumer and Elliot
Mincberg, Vice President of People for the American Way. (PDF)
Posted September 24, 2003.
- Hearings on the Judicial Confirmations Debate:
Hearing
before the Senate Committee on the Judiciary Subcommittee on
Administrative Oversight and the Courts on "The Senate's
Role in the Nomination and Confirmation Process: Whose Burden?"
September 4, 2001
Selected Testimony:
- Testimony
of Ron Rotunda
- Testimony
of Dean Douglas Kmiec
- Testimony
of Hon. Paul Simon
- Testimony
of Mark Tushnet
Hearing
before the Senate Committee on the Judiciary Subcommittee on
Administrative Oversight and the Courts on "Should Ideology
Matter?: Judicial Nominations 2001" June 26, 2001
Selected Testimony:
- Senator
Orrin Hatch
- Senator
Charles Schumer
- Testimony
of Boyden Gray
- Testimony
of Lloyd Cutler
- Testimony
of Steve Presser
- Testimony
of Eugene Volokh
- Testimony
of Clint Bolick
The American Bar Association
- ABA
2001 Legislative & Governmental Priorities
Protracted delays in the judicial nomination and/or confirmation
process weaken the federal judiciary by depriving it of the
judges needed to resolve disputes expeditiously. Protracted
delays also contribute to dangerously crowded dockets, suspended
civil case dockets, overburdened judges, and understaffed courts.
The Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Administrative Oversight
and the Courts held hearings on June 26 and September 4, 2001,
to examine the role of ideology in the nomination and confirmation
process. Over the last several Congresses, allegations that
the nomination and confirmation process have been held hostage
to politics have reached frenzied proportions and provoked calls
for moderation and respect among the branches of government.
Interbranch respect and restraint is the basic theme underlying
the conclusions and recommendations of the 1997 ABA Report on
Judicial Independence.
ABA Policy
The ABA urges the President to nominate candidates for vacant
federal judicial positions promptly and urges the Senate to
hear and vote on those nominations in an expeditious manner.
The ABA also urges the appointment and confirmation of minority
lawyers of racial and ethnic diversity to all levels of the
federal judiciary.
Key Points
- The judicial selection and confirmation process is one of
the most important constitutional responsibilities entrusted
to the President and the Senate.
- The President and Members of the Senate need to work together
to foster public trust and confidence in our justice system
by creating a federal judiciary that reflects the rich diversity
of America.
- The integrity and independence of the federal judiciary
is threatened by protracted delays in filling judicial vacancies.
- Chronically understaffed courts have produced dangerously
crowded dockets, delays in hearing criminal cases, suspended
civil dockets, and overburdened judges.
-
An
Independent Judiciary: Report of the ABA Commission on Separation
of Powers and Judicial Independence
b. Judicial Appointments
"The nomination and confirmation process is the one point
at which the political branches may exercise a check on the
composition and quality of the federal bench. To these ends,
it is appropriate and desirable for members of the Senate and
the President to explore the qualifications, character and judicial
philosophy of would-be judges.
Problems arise, however, when legitimate inquiries into a nominee's
judicial philosophy degenerate into thinly veiled efforts to
preordain how the nominee will rule on specific issues in the
future. Such "litmus test" questions cut to the quick
of would-be judges' decisional independence and are properly
resisted by the nominees.
A strong and independent judiciary likewise turns on the orderly
filling of judicial vacancies. Protracted delays in the nomination
and confirmation process, whether by design or as a result of
inefficiency, weaken the federal judiciary and should be avoided.
The Miller Center Commission on the Selection of Federal Judges
was established in 1994 by the University of Virginia's Miller
Center of Public Affairs to respond to the perceived growing
crisis in the federal court system caused by lengthy delays
in filling judgeships. The Miller Commission issued its report
on May 15, 1996 which contained a number of significant recommendations,
including the following:181
- Senators, in their "advice and consent" role,
should identify good judgeship candidates before a vacancy
occurs and the candidates should be thoroughly appraised and
"vetted" either before the vacancy occurs or within
30 days after it;
- Senators should recommend two or more names to the President,
in order of priority, for each vacancy to avoid delays in
case a potential nominee becomes unavailable. In no case should
a senator's recommendation go to the executive branch later
than 90 days after a vacancy occurs.
- If a senator doesn't respond to the request for more than
one name, the Administration should notify the senator of
additional names the Administration would like to consider.
The executive branch too should maintain lists of prospective
judicial nominees.
- If senators haven't made recommendations within 90 days
of a district court vacancy, the President should proceed
with the administration's own nominee, and if confirmation
is delayed, make a temporary, or "recess" appointment.
- The White House, Department of Justice, FBI and American
Bar Association all should complete their investigations of
candidates within 90 days of a vacancy.
- The ABA should have more than one representative from each
circuit court on its Standing Committee on Federal Judiciary
and should provide a brief explanation for its rating, to
avoid charges that it sometimes takes political considerations
into account.
- The White House and Justice Department should review current
procedures to simplify them and avoid duplication and should
consider eliminating personal interviews with candidates,
to avoid the appearance of trying to influence candidates'
judicial views.
- The Senate Judiciary Committee should increase the number
of its staff attorneys investigating judicial nominees.
- If a nominee is noncontroversial, the Senate Judiciary Committee
should forgo holding confirmation hearings.
- The committee should clear nominees for full Senate confirmation
within two months of receipt of a President's nomination.
- Prospective nominees should be required to complete only
a single questionnaire that supplies all the information sought
by the Department of Justice, White House, ABA and Senate
Judiciary Committee.
- Those agencies should explore whether it is really necessary
or appropriate to obtain all the information presently sought.
- Congress should enact a statute providing that an additional
judgeship is created on the date an incumbent becomes eligible
for senior status (semi-retirement) even if the incumbent
doesn't take senior status on that date. The number of authorized
judgeships would be reduced by one when the incumbent takes
senior status, fully retires or dies.
Recommendation:
The Commission urges that judicial vacancies be filled without
delay and further urges that the procedures recommended by the
1996 Report of the Miller Center Commission on the Selection of
Federal Judges set forth above, should be fully considered."
- ABA Resolutions Regarding Judicial Vacancies:
- 1998 Midyear Meeting: Urge the President of the United
States promptly to advance nominees for current vacancies
for federal judicial positions and the Senate of the United
States to hear and vote on those nominations in an expeditious
manner. Urge ABA members and bar associations to contact the
President and appropriate members of the Senate to urge prompt
action on the nominations. 98M8A.
- 1997 BOG: Resolve that the Board of Governors of
the American Bar Association, which includes members of the
both political parties, urge the United States Senate promptly
to hear and vote on pending nominations for United States
District Courts and Court of Appeal and that such action is
essential for the effective and efficient administration of
justice in the United States. 1097BOG 2.11.
- Yes,
the ABA Rankings Are Biased
Clinton's judicial nominees were much more likely to get a favorable
rating.
By: James Lindgren
- Federalist Society ABA Watch Project
Advocacy Groups
Several groups have served as "watchdogs"
over the judicial nominations process. Here are some links to the
work they have been conducting:
- The
Center for Individual Freedom: "The judicial confirmation
process in the 107th Congress has been stalled by politics, as
qualified nominees to the federal bench have been held in limbo.
In this section, the Center provides an up-to-date list of judicial
nominees yet to be confirmed by the Senate. Most of them are being
denied a hearing in the Judiciary Committee."
- People
for the American Way and its report,
"Courting
Disaster: How a Scalia-Thomas Supreme Court Would Endanger our
Rights and Freedoms" PFAW has also published a report:
"President
Bush, the Senate, and the Federal Judiciary: Unprecedented Situation
Calls for Unprecedented Solution" which attempts to "debunk
accusations that Bush administrations nominees are being
treated unfairly by the Senate, and documents the unprecedented
blockade waged by some Senate Republicans, many of whom now clamor
for immediate votes on Bush administration judicial nominees,
against highly qualified Clinton administration nominees."
- National Organization for Women's "Judicial
Nominees Special Report: Our Courts at Risk"
According to the NOW Web site: "George W. Bush clearly holds
the power to imprint his conservative agenda on the U.S. judicial
system. To date, the Bush administration has sent 66 nominations
to the Senate Judiciary Committee. The Senate has already confirmed
28 of them (22 trial level, and six appellate level). The Judiciary
Committee has held 11 hearings on judicial nominees since July,
while during the Clinton years the Republican-dominated committee
held barely half a dozen hearings per year. These lower-court
positions play a vital role in the judicial process because a
vast majority of cases never make it to the Supreme Court. Cases
that are decided by the Supreme Court face another threat. We
find ourselves in the longest interval between Supreme Court vacancies
in 178 years. When a position opens, Bush will surely attempt
to fill it with someone from his stable of right-wing judicial
ideologues. Considering that two out of three Supreme Court decisions
in the last term were decided by 5-4 votes, all of our fundamental
rights reproductive rights, civil rights, lesbian rights,
disability rights and so many other gains feminists have fought
for in the past 35 years could be at risk with the addition
of just one new ultra-conservative Supreme Court justice. There
is a ray of hope: With Democratic Sen. Patrick Leahy chairing
the judiciary committee, we have the political opportunity to
stop at least some of the most egregious nominations from going
forward."
Other Resources
- Judicial Recess Appointments: A Survey
of the Arguments--Posted January 2004 (PDF)
- Precedent
from the Confirmation Hearings of Ruth Bader Ginsburg for the
Conduct of Judicial Nominees by Jay T. Jorgensen--July
31, 2003 (PDF)
- The
Other Filibuster by Thomas Sowell--March 12, 2003
- Cato
Policy Analysis no. 446, "How Constitutional Corruption has Led
to Ideological Litmus Tests for Judicial Nominees," by Roger Pilon
- Debate: Of
Senate Default and Judicial Nominations: Does the Constitution
Require the Full Senate to Act?, Dean Doug Kmiec and Elliot Mincberg (PDF), June 7, 2002
- Speech
by Vice President Dick Cheney to the Federalist Society's 2001
National Lawyers Convention
- Hot
Topics: Conservative Judicial Activism
- U.S.
Department of Justice, Office of Legal Policy: Statistics on Judicial
Nominations
- U.S.
Senate Judiciary Committee: Nominations
- "End
the Judicial Blame Game" by Lloyd Cutler and Mickey Edwards,
The Washington Post, March 13, 2002
- Debate:
Resolved, The Senate Should Take Ideology into Account in the
Judicial Confirmations Process, Ralph Neas and Roger Pilon, The
Cato Institute, January 16, 2002
- "The Role of Ideology in Confirming Federal Court Judges" by
Ronald D. Rotunda, The Georgetown Journal of Legal Ethics,
Fall 2001
- Stephen B. Presser, Should Ideology of Judicial Nominees Matter?:
Is the Senate's Current Reconsideration of the Confirmation Process
Justified?, 6 Tex. Rev. L. & Politics 245 (2001).
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